Iraq

Mardi 31 mars 2009 2 31 /03 /2009 00:12
Bennis: Debt owed to Iraqi people can only be paid after ending occupation- Non-combat troops

Publié dans : Iraq
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Lundi 23 février 2009 1 23 /02 /2009 21:27

Iraqi Doctors
In Hiding
Treat As They Can
 

By Dahr Jamail


21 February, 2009

Inter Press Service






Photo: daylife.com

BAGHDAD, Feb 21 (IPS) - Seventy percent of Iraq's doctors are reported to have fled the war-torn country in the face of death threats and kidnappings. Those who remain live in fear, often in conditions close to house arrest.


"I was threatened I would be killed because I was working for the Iraqi government at the Medical City," Dr. Thana Hekmaytar told IPS. Baghdad Medical City is the largest medical complex in the country.


Dr. Hekmaytar, a head and neck surgeon, has now been practising at the Saint Raphael Hospital in Baghdad for the last five years.


It is difficult now both as woman and as doctor, she says. Most women are now living in repressive conditions because the government is less secular. And that is besides the chaotic conditions around Iraq.

"It is particularly difficult for female doctors," Dr. Hekmaytar says. "Large groups in Iraq only want us to stay at home, and certainly not be professionals."


"We've had doctors kidnapped, and so many others have fled," said Khaleb, a senior manager at the hospital who requested that his last name not be used. He named several doctors who had been kidnapped. This IPS correspondent, he said, was the first media person allowed into the hospital since the U.S. invasion of March 2003.
 

Doctors and other professionals become targets for kidnapping since they earn more money than most, and so fetch higher ransom.


"I've had to ask for security to protect the hospital," Khaleb said. "After this, I went to Amman and convinced many of our doctors there to return. They did, but now they live in the hospital and never go outside. This has been the case since 2005. Every two months they leave to go visit their families in Jordan."


Saint Raphael is a 35-bed hospital, but sees more than a thousand patients daily, says Khaleb. "Of our specialist doctors, ten live here full time. In addition, we have three younger doctors living here full time."


Large concrete blocks restrict entry to the street leading up to the hospital. Iraqi army personnel guard the front door. Everyone entering the hospital is searched.


The hospital is located in the Karrada area of Baghdad, just across the Tigris river from the Green Zone. The neighbourhood is relatively safe by Baghdad standards, although attacks and car bombings still take place.


The hospital is on a side street close to several apartment buildings and private homes. Unlike most government hospitals it is clean and well stocked.


Dr. Hekmaytar is one of the doctors Khaleb persuaded to return to Baghdad. "Of course nobody likes to leave her home country, I was so sad," she said. "I am grateful to be back, but wish it wasn't under these difficult circumstances."


Sitting with several doctors outside an operating room, she told IPS that death threats have never gone away.


"This is common here even now, but was especially so during 2004," she said, as other doctors nodded in agreement. "Now I live and work in the hospital, and never leave."


Dr. Hekmaytar, a Christian, received death threats twice. One came by way of a note in an envelope telling her to convert to Islam, or else. The second time she received a note in an envelope instructing her to where hijab. The note was enclosed with a bullet.


Dr. Shakir Mahmood Al-Robaie, an anaesthetist, too lives on the premises of the hospital where he works. "I both live and work here because I was threatened," he told IPS. "My family is in Jordan."


The doctor said his family received an envelope containing just a single bullet. After this, he moved his family to Jordan, and then returned to Iraq to get an income for himself and his family.


"Common? These threats are not just common," said Dr. Jafir Hasily, a surgeon sitting across from Dr. Hekhaytar. "They are routine. This happens all the time."


The Iraqi government estimates there were 36,000 doctors and medical personnel in Iraq when the U.S. invasion was launched in March 2003. Most escaped to neighbouring Arab countries, especially Jordan and Syria.


In early 2008, the Iraqi Health Ministry said that 628 medical personnel have been killed since 2003. Many believe the real figure is far higher, and that there is additionally a very large number of doctors who have been kidnapped and tortured.


In the absence of the doctors who left, particularly of senior doctors, the medical system is on the brink of collapse. It is short not just of doctors but also of other qualified staff, equipment and drugs. Patients are often forced to buy their own medicines on the black market.


The security situation that led to the exodus of doctors is now somewhat better, but remains unstable.


Copyright © 2009 IPS-Inter Press Service.
http://www.countercurrents.org/jamail210209.htm

Communauté : Actualités Internationales - Publié dans : Iraq
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Lundi 23 février 2009 1 23 /02 /2009 20:30


IRAQ:
Still Homeless
in Baghdad


By Dahr Jamail




Iraqi refugee in Iraq (photo: codepink)

BAGHDAD, Feb 19 (IPS) - "We only want a normal life," says Um Qasim, sitting in a bombed out building in Baghdad. She and others around have been saying that for years.

Um Qasim lives with 13 family members in a brick shanty on the edge of a former military intelligence building in the Mansoor district of Baghdad.

Five of her children are girls. Homelessness is not easy for anyone, but it is particularly challenging for women and girls.

"Me and my girls have to be extra careful living this way," Um Qasim told IPS. "We are tired of always being afraid, because any day, any time, strange men walk through our area, and there is no protection for us. Each day brings a new threat to us, and all the women here."

She rarely leaves her area, she says. Nor do her girls, for fear of being kidnapped or raped.

"I don't like being afraid all the time," says one of Um Qasim's daughters. "But my mother tells us to always be careful, and I can see her fear, so it scares me."

The compound, which was the headquarters of former dictator Saddam Hussein's son Qusay Hussein, was heavily damaged by U.S. air strikes during the invasion in March 2003. Buildings like this became shelters for thousands displaced then and later.

In all 135 families, about 750 people, live in this compound.

"It is living in misery," says Um Qasim. Home is a bare concrete room shared by eight of her family members. "The government gives us 50 litres of heating and cooking oil each month, but we run out of it very soon, and then we have to try to find to buy more so we can cook and try to stay warm."

The bombed building is in a state of total disrepair. Concrete blocks hang precariously from metal bars, many ceilings are partially collapsed, and all of the outer walls are gone.

There is no water, no electricity, no sewage, and no garbage disposal. Piles of garbage, diapers, decaying food scraps and human excrement are scattered around the area.

"We have no water, no money, and no work," says Ahmed Hussein, 15. "How can a human live in this misery? We are so tired."

Opportunities to find a way out are few. Unemployment across Iraq is high, between 40-65 percent. And the price of oil, the source of 90 percent of government revenue, has fallen. The government has not much to give out.

Last month the government decided to evict all people who have been squatting in government buildings or on government land since the invasion. Local NGOs estimate that more than 250,000 squatters live on the streets or in such shelters all over Baghdad.

"The Iraqi Cabinet has decided to evict all squatters in or on government property - land, houses, residential buildings or offices. They will be given financial help to find alternative places to live," said a government statement Jan. 4.

The government gave squatters 60 days from Jan. 1 to leave or face legal action, but later decided to give them more time. No one knows when the next order might come.

"We want help from the Iraqi government," says Nasir Fadlawi, 48, unofficial manager of Qasim's compound. "I am asking the government to care for us, as we are the sons and daughters of Iraq. We would not be here if they would help us."

Fadlawi says most people in the area are either economic refugees, or those displaced from their homes during the sectarian violence that racked Baghdad in 2006. "The Iraqi Police and Iraqi Army often come here and threaten us," he said. "But we have a right to live."

Fadlawi says it is difficult to find work or alternative places to live in also because of the corruption. The last time he applied for a job he was asked for 700 dollars. "Where am I going to get that money when I don't have a job to begin with."

The government may have to delay plans to build new housing. The Ministry of Displacement and Migration is reported to have postponed some new housing projects until 2010.

"We asked for 40 billion Iraqi dinars (34.2 million dollars) for the ministry's investment budget but we were told that only 8 billion (6.85 million dollars) could be allocated," said Ali Shaalan, head of the Ministry's planning directorate in a statement Jan. 4. "This could prevent us from achieving our goals for this year."

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) released a report Jan. 1 that estimated there are 1.6 million internally displaced persons in Iraq. The report said that almost two-thirds, just over a million, live in Baghdad, more than half of them women or girls. The report pointed out that displaced women are more prone to rape and other forms of sexual violence. (END/2009)


http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=45812
Communauté : Actualités Internationales - Publié dans : Iraq
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Mercredi 11 février 2009 3 11 /02 /2009 22:55


"Mounir Bachir naît le 28 septembre 1930 à Mossoul en Irak d'un père d'origine syriaque musulman et d'une mère kurde. Son père, quoique charpentier, est également chanteur et joueur de oud. Il encourage le penchant musical du jeune Mounir, qui s'inscrit dès 6 ans à l'institut de Bagdad dirigé alors par Chérif Muhieddin Haydar dont il devient l'élève. Il donne ses premiers concerts en 1953 sur un oud à 5 cordes doubles augmentées d'une grave. Le rajout de la corde basse est l'une de ses inventions au début des années 50. Il modifie également la façade de l'instrument en pratiquant deux ouvertures ovales en dessous de la principale.

Mounir part finir ses études en Hongrie où il obtient son doctorat de musicologie à l'université de Budapest en 1960. Il se retire au Liban et décide alors de mener un carrière de soliste. Sa carrière internationale est lancée en 1971 lorsque paraissent ses albums chez Ocora et EMI. Il retourne à Bagdad en 1973 et devient le l'ambassadeur de la tradition savante et instrumentale arabe du moyen-orient avec un répertoire classique. Son style de prédilection concerne les pièces improvisées (taqsim). Il fonde ensuite Al -Bayariq, un groupe qui assume l'héritage de la musique abbasside. En opposition aux diktats de la chanson égyptienne, il impose le récital d'oud soliste, en fondant l'essentiel de son discours musical sur une interprétation libre et méditative du 'maqâm' classique de l'Irak.

Il reçoit en 1989 le prix Unesco-CIM puis s'exile en 1991 suite à la guerre et au blocus dont souffre l'Irak. Il partage sa vie entre Amman, en Jordanie, et Budapest. Il reçoit le Prix de la Communication Culturelle Nord-Sud de 1993 et meurt à Budapest le 28 septembre 1997 à l'âge de 77 ans alors qu'il s'apprêtait à se rendre à Mexico pour un concert et qu'il devait se produire au Théâtre de la Ville de Paris en duo avec Julien Weiss, devenu son disciple."

Communauté : Actualités Internationales - Publié dans : Iraq
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Mercredi 11 février 2009 3 11 /02 /2009 02:29

The Guardian Archives
Monday 8 September 2008

Inmates tell of sexual abuse and beatings
in Iraq's overcrowded juvenile prison system

By Jonathan Steele


Children as young as nine held in sweltering cells
No money to improve conditions, says ministry

Karkh juvenile prison

Karkh juvenile prison in 2004. The prison currently holds 315 children, while its capacity is 250.
Photograph: Marwan Naamani/AFP


Hundreds of children, some as young as nine, are being held in appalling conditions in Baghdad's prisons, sleeping in sweltering temperatures in overcrowded cells without working fans, no daily access to showers, and subject to frequent sexual abuse by guards, current and former prisoners say.

At Karkh juvenile prison, Omar Ali, a 16-year-old who has spent more than three years there, showed the multiple skin sores he and many other fellow inmates have contracted through lying on thin, sweat-soaked mattresses night after night.

"The electricity comes from a generator and it's only switched on during the two-hour weekly session when visitors come in, and for two or three hours in the evening. We are convinced the guards sell the generator fuel on the black market," he said.



Daytime temperatures in Baghdad last week averaged 44C (112F). They barely drop below 38C at night. Water supplies in Karkh are spasmodic, and Omar said he was able to shower only once every three days. Boys sleep in four dormitories, averaging 75 inmates in a cell about 5 metres by 10 metres, on double bunks or the concrete floor.

Guards often take boys to a separate room in the prison and rape them, Omar alleged. They also break prison rules by lending their mobile phones to boys to ring home, on condition that each time their families top the phone up by $10 or $20. The teaching staff resigned en masse in November because of low pay, according to an international official. As a result, the children lounge around aimlessly with no daytime activities, other than an exercise yard.

Though the boys in the prison have been convicted, international standards for fair trials are never met. "Trials last on average for 25 minutes, no witnesses are called, confessions are used as the only evidence, and court-appointed defence lawyers get the case file on the day of the trial, leaving no chance to consult the defendant in private," an international adviser in Baghdad said on condition of anonymity.

Omar Ali was 13 when interior ministry special forces raided his house in a predominantly Sunni suburb in October 2004. He and his 14-year-old brother were arrested. A week later the special forces came back and took their father. All three are still in custody.

The ministry is under Shia control and its forces have repeatedly been accused of targeting innocent Sunnis. Sahar Muhammad, the boys' mother, told the Guardian that when she was able to visit her sons they told her they were beaten repeatedly in the first days of custody and ordered to sign a blank sheet of paper on which charges would be written later.

Raad Jamal was 17 when US forces raided his home in the mixed Sunni and Shia district of Doura in June last year. His mother, Suad Ahmed Rashid, who was with him during the interview, told the Guardian: "During the US raid an American officer told my daughter: 'Tell your brother to confess he is with al-Qaida so we can send him to Camp Bucca [a US prison near Basra] or else we'll hand him to the Iraqis and they will torture him'."

Raad and a friend were taken to a US base and were transferred next morning to the seventh brigade of the Iraqi army's second regiment. Raad said he and his friend were hung from the ceiling on ropes, beaten with electric cables, and taken for interrogation one by one. "They said everyone who comes here has to confess," Raad said.

He was then sent to another Iraqi army base. "I stayed there about six months. I didn't confess anything I didn't do. They write false statements and ask you to press your thumb on it. I refused but they forced my thumb on to the paper," he said. At the juvenile court Raad encountered a sympathetic judge.

"The judge did not accept my confession. He said I was innocent but for administrative reasons I would have to go to Tobchi until I was released." He spent a few months in Tobchi and was released in March.

Last year officials from the United Nations Assistance Mission to Iraq (Unami) visited Baghdad's Tobchi prison, where children awaiting trial are held. They reported that detainees provided "particularly worrisome allegations of ill-treatment or other abuse of juvenile males, several of whom told Unami they had been beaten and sexually abused while held in the custody of the ministries of the interior and defence prior to transfer to a juvenile facility. Upon examining them Unami observed injuries consistent with beatings."

The UN found severe overcrowding at Tobchi, with around 400 inmates in a prison with an official capacity of 206. "In some cells juveniles were taking turns to sleep on the floor without mattresses," the UN reported. The ministry of labour and social affairs (Molsa), which manages the prison, said shortages of funds prevented improvements.

Kadhim Raouf Ali, deputy director general of Molsa's juvenile department, told the Guardian that inmate numbers in Tobchi had been sharply reduced this year thanks to speeded-up releases under the new amnesty law. There were only 226 inmates now. But he admitted Karkh was still overcrowded. It was holding 315 children while capacity was 250.

Child detainees in US custody in Iraq fare better than those in Iraqi hands, said Shatha Alobosi, an Iraqi woman MP. Former inmates interviewed by the Guardian confirmed that there is less overcrowding and brutality.

Now, as Iraqi pressure mounts for a return of sovereignty, the US has been moving to release all under-18s. In December last year it held 950 children. The current total is 180.

"We anticipate having less than 100 juveniles in detention by the end of Ramadan [later this month], and hopefully release all juveniles to their families before the end of this year," First Lieutenant Randi Norton, a US military spokesman, said.

The Iraqi Islamic party, the main Sunni party in parliament, takes a special interest in detainees, adult as well as juvenile, since the majority are Sunnis. It gives aid to poor families who have no breadwinner, and has urged the authorities to improve conditions and release prisoners.

"We still have a long way to go. The problem is how to make a major and drastic reform of the judicial system, and change the mentality of officers in the army and police," its leader, the Iraqi vice president Tariq al-Hashemi, told the Guardian.

· An Iraqi contributed reporting for this article. Names of inmates and family members have been changed.

Jonathan Steele on the conditions for youths in prison in Baghdad Link to this audio

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/sep/08/iraq.humanrights?gusrc=rss&feed=networkfront

Communauté : Actualités Internationales - Publié dans : Iraq
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Dimanche 8 février 2009 7 08 /02 /2009 16:49
Publié dans : Iraq
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Lundi 15 décembre 2008 1 15 /12 /2008 08:26

Dahr Jamail on Iraq Eyewitness to Occupation at Socialism 2008
20:33 - 21 juil. 2008

Charles Jenks -
www.socialistworker.org

 

"Over half the total population of the country are either refugees, in need of emergency aid or dead." Dave Jamail gave a riveting talk on the occupation of Iraq at Socialism 2008 in Chicago on June 20. (Websites may embed this video.) Dahr has spent a total of eight months in occupied Iraq as one of only a few independent US journalists in the country. In the Middle East, Dahr has also has reported from Syria, Lebanon and Jordan.

He writes for the Inter Press Service, the Asia Times and many other outlets. His reports have also been published with the Nation, the Sunday Herald, Islam Online, the Guardian, Foreign Policy in Focus, and the Independent. Dahr uses the DahrJamailIraq.com Web site and his popular mailing list to circulate his dispatches. Socialism conferences are sponsored annually by the Center for Economic Research and Social Change, publisher of International Socialist Review and Haymarket Books. Conferences are co-sponsored by the International Socialist Organization, publisher of Socialist Worker and Obrero Socialista."



For more information on Socialism 2008, see http://www.socialismconference.org
See also: Socialist Worker http://www.socialistworker.org
International Socialist Review http://www.isreview.org
Haymarket Books http://www.haymarketbooks.org
Obrero Socialista http://www.socialistworker.org/Obrero.shtml
Center for Economic Research and Social Change http://www.cersc.org/
International Socialist Organization http://www.internationalsocialist.org

Videotaped and edited by Charles Jenks. Video © 2008 Haymarket Books.
INFORMATION FOR WEB MANAGERS: Websites may embed this excellent video using the embed code provided by Google.
Communauté : Actualités Internationales - Publié dans : Iraq
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Lundi 8 décembre 2008 1 08 /12 /2008 09:21

Zmag
December 08, 2008

Source: AlterNet 



By Jeremy Scahill

The New York Times is reporting an "apparent evolution" in president-elect Barack Obama's thinking on Iraq, citing recent statements about his plan to keep a "residual force" in the country and his pledge to "listen to the recommendations of my commanders" as Obama prepares to assume actual command of U.S. forces.



Source: blogimages

"At the Pentagon and the military headquarters in Iraq, the response to the statements this week from Mr. Obama and his national security team has been akin to the senior officer corps' letting out its collective breath," the Times reported. "[T]the words sounded to them like the new president would take a measured approach on the question of troop levels."

 

The reality is there is no "evolution."

 

Anyone who took the time to cut past Barack Obama's campaign rhetoric of "change" and bringing an "end" to the Iraq war realized early on that his Iraq plan boiled down to a down-sizing and rebranding of the occupation. While he emphasized his pledge to withdraw U.S. "combat forces" from Iraq in 16 months (which may or may not happen), he has always said that he intends to keep "residual forces" in place for the foreseeable future.

 

It's an interesting choice of terms. "Residual" is defined as "the quantity left over at the end of a process." This means that the forces Obama plans to leave in Iraq will remain after he has completed his "withdrawal" plan. No matter how Obama chooses to label the forces he keeps in Iraq, the fact is, they will be occupation forces.

 

Announcing his national security team this week, Obama reasserted his position. "I said that I would remove our combat troops from Iraq in 16 months, with the understanding that it might be necessary -- likely to be necessary -- to maintain a residual force to provide potential training, logistical support, to protect our civilians in Iraq." While some have protrayed this as Obama going back on his campaign pledge, it is not. What is new is that some people seem to just now be waking up to the fact that Obama never had a comprehensive plan to fully end the occupation. Most recently, the Times:

 

"On the campaign trail, Senator Barack Obama offered a pledge that electrified and motivated his liberal base, vowing to 'end the war' in Iraq," wrote reporter Thom Shanker on Thursday. "But as he moves closer to the White House, President-elect Obama is making clearer than ever that tens of thousands of American troops will be left behind in Iraq, even if he can make good on his campaign promise to pull all combat forces out within 16 months."

 

For many months it's been abundantly clear that Obama's Iraq plan is at odds with his campaign rhetoric. Yet, Shanker writes, "to date, there has been no significant criticism from the antiwar left of the Democratic Party of the prospect that Mr. Obama will keep tens of thousands of troops in Iraq for at least several years to come." The Times is actually right about this, in a literal sense. There has seldom, if ever, been a public peep about Obama's residual force plans for Iraq from members of his own party, including from those who describe themselves as "anti-war."

 

But, for those who have scrutinized Obama's plans and the statements of his advisors from the beginning, this is old news. Obama never defined "ending the war" as removing all U.S. forces from Iraq. Besides the counsel of his closest advisors -- many of whom are pro-war hawks -- Obama's Iraq plan is based on two primary sources: the recommendations of the Baker-Hamilton "Iraq Study Group" and the 2007 Iraq supplemental spending bill, which, at the time was portrayed as the Democrats' withdrawal plan. Both envisioned a sustained presence of U.S. forces for an undefined period following a "withdrawal."

 

In supporting the 2007 supplemental, Obama said it would put the U.S. "one signature away from ending the Iraq War." The bill would have redeployed U.S. forces from Iraq within 180 days. But that legislation, vetoed by President Bush, would also have provided for 20,000 to 60,000 troops to remain in Iraq as "trainers," "counter-terrorist forces," or for "protection for embassy/diplomats," according to an analysis by the Institute for Policy Studies. The bill contained no language about how many "private contractors" could remain in Iraq. This helped shed light on what Obama actually meant by "ending the Iraq War."

 

Other glaring clues to the actual nature of Obama's Iraq plan to anyone paying attention could be found in the public comments of his advisors, particularly on the size of the force Obama may leave in Iraq after his withdrawal is complete. Obama has refused to talk numbers, saying in October, "I have tried not to put a number on it." That has been the position of many of his loyal aides. "We have not put a number on that. It depends on the circumstances on the ground," said Susan Rice, Obama's nominee for UN ambassador, during the campaign. "It would be worse than folly, it would be dangerous, to put a hard number on the residual forces."

 

But, Richard Danzig, President Clinton's former Navy Secretary who may soon follow Robert Gates as Obama's Defense Secretary, said during the campaign that the "residual force" could number as many as 55,000 troops. That doesn't include Blackwater and other mercenaries and private forces, which the Obama camp has declared the president-elect "can't rule out [and] won't rule out" using. At present there are more "contractors" in Iraq than soldiers, which is all the more ominous when considering Obama's Iraq plan.

 

In April, it was revealed that the coordinator of Obama's Iraq working group, Colin Kahl, had authored a paper, titled "Stay on Success: A Policy of Conditional Engagement," which recommended, "the U.S. should aim to transition to a sustainable over-watch posture (of perhaps 60,000-80,000 forces) by the end of 2010 (although the specific timelines should be the byproduct of negotiations and conditions on the ground)." Kahl tried to distance the views expressed in the paper from Obama's official campaign position, but they were and are consistent.

 

In March, Obama advisor Samantha Power let the cat out of the bag for some people when she described her candidate's 16-month timetable for withdrawing U.S. "combat" forces as a "best case scenario." Power said, "He will, of course, not rely on some plan that he's crafted as a presidential candidate or a U.S. Senator." (After that remark and referring to Sen. Hillary Clinton as a "monster," Power resigned from the campaign. Now that Obama is president-elect, Power's name has once again resurfaced as a member of his transitional team.)

 

The New York Times also raised the prospect that Obama could play semantics when defining his 16-month withdrawal plan, observing, "Pentagon planners say that it is possible that Mr. Obama's goal could be accomplished at least in part by relabeling some units, so that those currently counted as combat troops could be 're-missioned,' their efforts redefined as training and support for the Iraqis."

 

Compare all of the above with a statement Obama made in July: "I intend to end this war. My first day in office I will bring the Joint Chiefs of Staff in, and I will give them a new mission, and that is to end this war -- responsibly, deliberately, but decisively."

 

Some may now accuse Obama of flip-flopping. The reality is that we need to understand what the words "end" "war" "residual" and "decisively" mean when we hear Obama say them.

 

 

Jeremy Scahill is the author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army and is a frequent contributor to The Nation and Democracy Now! He is a Puffin Foundation Writing Fellow at the Nation Institute.



Communauté : Actualités Internationales - Publié dans : Iraq
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Jeudi 6 novembre 2008 4 06 /11 /2008 22:01

Talk about Impeachment and Investigations at the special event with Mike Malloy & Scott Ritter put on by Nova M Radio and 1480 KPHX The Valley's Progressive Talk



Publié dans : Iraq
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Mardi 4 novembre 2008 2 04 /11 /2008 06:01

Archives 2006


British LibDem MP Norman Baker is now two months into a private, year-long investigation into the death of Dr David Kelly, the scientist who found himself under seige after apparently accusing the government of ‘sexing up’ the case for war to a BBC journalist. The Hutton Inquiry, framed as a battle between the government and the BBC, failed to probe the manner in which Dr Kelly met his death.

Suicide was largely assumed, but the blunt gardening knife found at the scene, the fact that only a single ulnar artery was transected, the lack of blood splattering, and the tiny amount of co-proxamol residue found in Dr Kelly’s stomach, points up the need for closer scrutiny. In a debut TV appearance on the subject - GMTV’s ‘The Sunday Programme’ - Mr Baker invited those with relevant information to contact him. He will be producing a report or book on his findings next year, but his stated aim is to above all arrive at the truth.

3 juil. 2006


Publié dans : Iraq
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