Autor: Reinaldorogerio

It has been called the world's second "oil [1] war", but the only similarity between Iraq and events in the jungles of northern Peru [2] over the last few weeks has been the mismatch of force. On one side have been the police armed with automatic weapons, teargas, helicopter gunships and armoured cars. On the other are several thousand Awajun and Wambis Indians, many of them in war paint and armed with bows and arrows and spears.
![peruvians.jpg [Natives set up a road block at the entrance of the Amazonian town of Yurimaguas, northern Peru. "For thousands of years, we've run the Amazon forests," said Servando Puerta, one of the protest leaders. "This is genocide. They're killing us for defending our lives, our sovereignty, human dignity." (AFP/Ernesto Benavides)]](http://www.commondreams.org/files/article_images/peruvians.jpg)
In the fights that followed, at least 50 Indians and nine police officers were killed, with hundreds more wounded
or arrested. The indigenous rights group Survival International [4]
described it as "Peru's Tiananmen Square".
"For thousands of years, we've run the Amazon forests," said Servando Puerta, one of the protest leaders.
"This is genocide. They're killing us for defending our lives, our sovereignty, human dignity."
Yesterday, as riot police broke up more demonstrations in Lima and a curfew was imposed on many Peruvian Amazonian
towns, President Garcia backed down in the face of condemnation of the massacre. He suspended – but only for three months – the laws that would allow the forest to be exploited. No one doubts
the clashes will continue.
Peru is just one of many countries now in open conflict with its indigenous people over natural resources. Barely
reported in the international press, there have been major protests around mines, oil, logging and mineral exploitation in Africa, Latin America, Asia and North America. Hydro electric dams,
biofuel plantations as well as coal, copper, gold and bauxite mines are all at the centre of major land rights disputes.
A massive military force continued this week to raid communities opposed to oil companies' presence on the Niger
delta. The delta, which provides 90% of Nigeria's foreign earnings, has always been volatile, but guns have flooded in and security has deteriorated. In the last month a military taskforce
has been sent in and helicopter gunships have shelled villages suspected of harbouring militia. Thousands of people have fled. Activists from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger
Delta have responded by killing 12 soldiers and this week set fire to a Chevron oil facility. Yesterday seven more civilians were shot by the military.
The escalation of violence came in the week that Shell agreed to pay £9.7m to ethnic Ogoni families – whose homeland
is in the delta – who had led a peaceful uprising against it and other oil companies in the 1990s, and who had taken the company to court in New York accusing it of complicity in writer Ken
Saro-Wiwa's execution in 1995.
Meanwhile in West Papua, Indonesian forces protecting some of the world's largest mines have been accused of
human rights violations. Hundreds of tribesmen have been killed in the last few years in clashes between the army and people with bows and arrows.
"An aggressive drive is taking place to extract the last remaining resources from indigenous
territories," says Victoria Tauli-Corpus, an indigenous Filipino and chair of the UN permanent forum on indigenous issues. "There is a crisis of human rights. There are more and more
arrests, killings and abuses.
"This is happening in Russia, Canada, the Philippines, Cambodia, Mongolia, Nigeria, the Amazon, all over Latin
America, Papua New Guinea and Africa. It is global. We are seeing a human rights emergency. A battle is taking place for natural resources everywhere. Much of the world's natural capital
– oil, gas, timber, minerals – lies on or beneath lands occupied by indigenous people," says Tauli-Corpus.
What until quite recently were isolated incidents of indigenous peoples in conflict with states and corporations are
now becoming common as government-backed companies move deeper on to lands long ignored as unproductive or wild. As countries and the World Bank increase spending on major infrastructural
projects to counter the economic crisis, the conflicts are expected to grow.
Indigenous groups say that large-scale mining is the most damaging. When new laws opened the Philippines up to international mining 10 years ago, companies flooded in and wreaked havoc in indigenous communities, says MP Clare Short, former UK international development secretary and now chair of the UK-based Working Group on Mining in the Philippines
.
Short visited people affected by mining there in 2007: "I have never seen anything so systematically destructive.
The environmental effects are catastrophic as are the effects on people's livelihoods. They take the tops off mountains, which are holy, they destroy the water sources and make it impossible
to farm," she said.
In a report published earlier this year, the group said: "Mining generates or exacerbates corruption, fuels
armed conflicts, increases militarisation and human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings."
The arrival of dams, mining or oil spells cultural death for communities. The Dongria Kondh in Orissa, eastern India,
are certain that their way of life will be destroyed when British FTSE 100 company Vedanta shortly starts to legally exploit their sacred Nyamgiri mountain for bauxite, the raw material for
aluminium. The huge open cast mine will destroy a vast swath of untouched forest, and will reduce the mountain to an industrial wasteland. More than 60 villages will be
affected.
"If Vedanta mines our mountain, the water will dry up. In the forest there are tigers, bears, monkeys. Where will
they go? We have been living here for generations. Why should we leave?" asks Kumbradi, a tribesman. "We live here for Nyamgiri, for its trees and leaves and all that is
here."
Davi
Yanomami [5], a shaman of the Yanomami, one of the largest but most isolated Brazilian indigenous groups, came to London this week to warn MPs that the
Amazonian forests were being destroyed, and to appeal for help to prevent his tribe being wiped out.
"History is repeating itself", he told the MPs. "Twenty years ago many thousand gold miners flooded into
Yanomami land and one in five of us died from the diseases and violence they brought. We were in danger of being exterminated then, but people in Europe persuaded the Brazilian government to
act and they were removed.
"But now 3,000 more miners and ranchers have come back. More are coming. They are bringing in guns, rafts, machines, and destroying and polluting rivers. People are being killed. They are opening up and expanding old airstrips. They are flooding into Yanomami land. We need your help.
"Governments must treat us with respect. This creates great suffering. We kill nothing, we live on the land, we
never rob nature. Yet governments always want more. We are warning the world that our people will die."
According to Victor Menotti, director of the California-based International Forum on Globalisation, "This is a
paradigm war taking place from the arctic to tropical forests. Wherever you find indigenous peoples you will find resource conflicts. It is a battle between the industrial and indigenous
world views."
There is some hope, says Tauli-Corpus. "Indigenous peoples are now much more aware of their rights. They are
challenging the companies and governments at every point."
In Ecuador, Chevron may be fined billions of dollars in the next few months if an epic court case goes against
them. The company is accused of dumping, in the 1970s and 1980s, more than 19bn gallons of toxic waste and millions of gallons of crude oil into waste pits in the forests, leading to more
than 1,400 cancer deaths and devastation of indigenous communities. The pits are said to be still there, mixing chemicals with groundwater and killing fish and wildlife.
The Ecuadorian courts have set damages at $27bn (£16.5bn). Chevron, which inherited the case when it bought Texaco,
does not deny the original spills, but says the damage was cleaned up.
Back in the Niger delta, Shell was ordered to pay $1.5bn to the Ijaw people in 2006 – though the company has so far
escaped paying the fines. After settling with Ogoni families in New York this week, it now faces a second class action suit in New York over alleged human rights abuses, and a further case in
Holland brought by Niger Delta villagers working with Dutch groups.
Meanwhile, Exxon Mobil is being sued by Indonesian indigenous villagers who claim their guards committed human rights
violations, and there are dozens of outstanding cases against other companies operating in the Niger Delta.
"Indigenous groups are using the courts more but there is still collusion at the highest levels in court systems
to ignore land rights when they conflict with economic opportunities," says Larry Birns, director of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs in Washington. "Everything is for sale,
including the Indians' rights. Governments often do not recognise land titles of Indians and the big landowners just take the land."
Indigenous leaders want an immediate cessation to mining on their lands. Last month, a conference on mining and
indigenous peoples in Manila called on governments to appoint an ombudsman or an international court system to handle indigenous peoples' complaints.
"Most indigenous peoples barely have resources to ensure their basic survival, much less to bring their cases to
court. Members of the judiciary in many countries are bribed by corporations and are threatened or killed if they rule in favour of indigenous peoples.
"States have an obligation to provide them with better access to justice and maintain an independent
judiciary," said the declaration.
But as the complaints grow, so does the chance that peaceful protests will grow into intractable conflicts as they have in Nigeria, West Papua and now Peru. "There is a massive resistance movement growing," says Clare Short. "But the danger is that as it grows, so does the violence."
Michel Collon Info
Quand Chávez ou Correa parlent de réduire l’abîme social qui sépare les élites latinos et les peuples indigènes, on les traite dédaigneusement de populistes… mais quand Alan García se fait l’exécuteur des basses œuvres des grands groupes miniers U.S. et de l'accord de libre-échange (ALENA/NAFTA) alors là… silence gêné…
Trente-trois personnes ont sans doute été tuées et une centaine d’autres blessées vendredi dans des affrontements entre la police péruvienne et des tribus de l’Amazonie opposées à l’octroi de concessions à des compagnies minières étrangères dans la forêt équatoriale du nord du Pérou.
Au moins 22 manifestants ont trouvé la mort dans ces heurts, ont déclaré des chefs de tribu. Le gouvernement péruvien a
fait état de 11 policiers et trois manifestants tués.
Les chefs indigènes ont accusé des policiers opérant à bord d’hélicoptères d’avoir ouvert le feu sur des centaines de manifestants pour mettre fin au blocage d’une route à 1.400 km au nord-est de Lima.
Les manifestants, très en colère, ont répliqué en prenant en otages un groupe de policiers près d’une station de pompage de la société nationale des pétroles, PETROPERU. Ils ont menacé d’y mettre le feu si les policiers ne renonçaient pas à vouloir disperser les manifestations en cours en Amazonie.
“Nous retenons 38 policiers en otages“, a déclaré un manifestant à la radio RPP. “Nous sommes 2.000, prêts à incendier la station“, a-t-il averti.
Des milliers d'amérindiens s’emploient depuis avril à bloquer routes et voies d’eau pour obtenir l’abrogation d’une série de lois adoptées l’an dernier pour encourager des compagnies étrangères à investir en Amazonie.
L’échec du premier ministre
Ce conflit, qui conduit certains à réclamer la démission du Premier ministre et du ministre de l’Intérieur, souligne les divisions profondes qui demeurent au Pérou entre les élites fortunées de Lima et les communautés indiennes miséreuses des zones rurales.
“Je tiens le gouvernement du président Alan García pour responsable d’avoir ordonné ce génocide“, a déclaré à la presse à Lima le chef indigène Alberto Pizango. Le gouvernement a lancé un mandat d’arrêt contre lui pour avoir encouragé le mouvement de protestation.
Imputant les violences aux manifestants, le président García a estimé que le moment était venu de mettre fin aux blocages des routes, des rivières et des installations énergétiques.
“Le gouvernement se doit d’agir pour imposer l’ordre et la discipline“, a dit de son côté le Premier ministre, Yehude Simon.
Cet ancien militant de gauche, auquel Alan García a fait appel voici un an pour tenter d’éviter des troubles sociaux dans le pays, n’a pas réussi à négocier l’arrêt des blocus en cours dans le bassin de l’Amazonie.
La compagnie argentine PLUSPETROL, qui avait déjà pratiquement arrêté les activités de sa concession 1AB dans le Nord péruvien, a fait savoir qu’elle y cessait la production. Elle extrait en temps normal un cinquième environ de la production pétrolière péruvienne.
Voir diaporama
Photo: Catapa
Five "uncontacted" tribes are at imminent risk of extinction as oil companies, colonists and loggers invade their territiories. The semi-nomadic groups, who live deep in the forests of
Peru, Brazil and Paraguay, are vulnerable to common western diseases such as flu and measles but also risk being killed by armed gangs, according to a report by Survival International, which
identifies the five groups as the most threatened on Earth.
Little is known about the group of 50 Indians who live along the River Pardo in the western Brazilian Amazon, although there is plenty of evidence for their existence, including communal
houses, arrows, baskets, hammocks, and footprints along river banks. "Loggers operating out of Colniza have forced them to be constantly on the run, unable to cultivate crops and relying
solely on hunting, gathering and fishing. It is believed that the women have stopped giving birth," says the report.
Perenco, an Anglo-French oil company working in a proposed Indian reserve in northern Peru, is endangering several uncontacted tribes, says the report. "The company plans to send hundreds
of workers into the region. In recent weeks, indigenous protesters have blockaded the Napo river in order to prevent Perenco boats from passing. In response, a naval gunboat was called in to
break the blockade."
One group is believed to be a sub-group of the Waorani, and another is known as the Pananujuri. Perenco denies the tribes exist.
Other tribes in trouble include several living near the Envira river in the Peruvian Amazon. "They are being forced to flee across the border into nearby Brazil. Despite being provided with
evidence of their existence, Peru's government has failed to accept that uncontacted Indians are fleeing from Peru to Brazil. Peru's president, Alan Garcia, has suggested the tribes do not
exist," says the report.
Ranchers are bulldozing land where a fifth group lives - the Ayoreo-Totobiegosode in the Chaco forest of western Paraguay. This week a Paraguayan court ruled that a company had the right to log
on their land, further endangering their existence.
There are believed to be more than 100 uncontacted groups in the world. They are concentrated in Latin America, and aerial photographs of one uncontacted tribe in Brazil's Acre state captured
headlines a year ago. But as many as 40 could live in West Papua, where vast areas of forest and mountain have been barely explored.
"They remain in isolation because they choose to, and because encounters with the outside world have brought them only violence, disease and murder. They are among the most vulnerable
peoples on Earth, and could be wiped out within the next 20 years unless their land rights are recognised and upheld," said Stephen Corry, director of Survival.
RIO DE JANEIRO, May 7 (IPS) - One young indigenous person commits suicide every 10 days on average in the centre-west Brazilian state of Mato Grosso do Sul. Blamed on the lack of land and
opportunities, the proportions of this tragedy have drawn the attention of local and foreign experts.
The last young man to hang himself - the most common method of suicide - was a 20-year-old worker at a sugar mill, an occupation that is culturally alien to the local communities, but has become
frequent among young people of the Guaraní-Kaiowá ethnic group because of the lack of traditional means of survival.
About 70,000 indigenous people, most of them Guaraní-Kaiowá, live in Mato Grosso do Sul - the highest concentration in Brazil after the northwestern state of Amazonas.
"Unless immediate measures are taken, there will be a new 21st century genocide of indigenous people," warns a report by the Indigenist Missionary Council (CIMI), an agency of the
Brazilian Catholic Church.
CIMI’s annual report on "Violence against indigenous peoples", released on Wednesday, says that six indigenous people have committed suicide in Mato Grosso do Sul so far this year, while 40 have
taken their own lives since January 2008.
The study points out that 100 percent of the suicides and 70 percent of the murders of indigenous people - of which there were 60 nationwide - took place in this state.
Most of the murders were the result of fights between the Guaraní-Kaiowá themselves, often within the same family.
"Added to the increased number of suicides, the picture that emerges is the self-destruction of this ethnic group, provoked by the precarious and violent reality they face," the report,
coordinated by anthropologist Lucia Rangel, concludes.
The vice-president of CIMI, Saulo Feitosa, told IPS that all forms of rural violence in Brazil, and particularly in Mato Grosso do Sul, are directly linked to the issue of land ownership.
The situation arises from "ongoing land disputes between indigenous people and encroachers, and the overcrowding of large numbers of indigenous people on small areas of land," he said.
"Many teenagers kill themselves because of their lack of options," said Feitosa, adding that the average age of suicides is between 13 and 17. There are various ways of explaining the
suicides, but because of the age range, Feitosa's interpretation is that they are due to "trauma" related to the period in life when a sense of identity is emerging.
Feitosa said he thought young Guaraní suffer from accentuated conflict, "because their ethnic group is deeply religious" and "they lack their own places to pray, their forest with its
foods for survival and their lands where their cultural identity can be reproduced, making their individual identity all the more fragile."
The village with the most suicides is Bororó, in the municipality of Dourados, 225 kilometres from the state capital, Campo Grande, where 13,000 indigenous people are crowded onto an area of
approximately 3,500 hectares.
With land being so scarce, while they wait for the demarcation of a reservation, the indigenous people live in improvised shelters, many of them just canvas tents, hard up against each other,
when customarily the houses of this ethnic group are far apart.
"They are forced to live in crowded conditions; the men go off to work in the sugarcane fields, where working conditions are often slave-like; the women stay home with the children, and this
situation breeds alcoholism and violence, which leads to the alarming numbers of suicides and murders," said Feitosa, adding that the circumstances are exacerbated because different ethnic groups
coexist here.
This process of "self-destruction" requires urgent political action from the government, according to CIMI, in order to correct the situation, demarcate land areas, reforest degraded zones and
restructure living arrangements.
Feitosa said demarcation of communally owned indigenous lands has not been finally resolved in Mato Grosso do Sul, a fact he attributes to "heavy pressure from agribusiness" - agroexport
companies that produce soybeans and sugarcane, mostly for processing into biofuels, as well as raising cattle.
Over the last 25 years, the village of Bororó has been hemmed in by big plantations. "The estate owners bought land and brought in cattle and soy and turned our land into monoculture
plantations," Amilton Lopes, a local indigenous leader, told IPS.
"Now we have nowhere to live, to gather native medicines, or to find food for our children, and there are no houses for us," said Lopes, who attributes the violence to the inability to meet these
basic needs.
Another negative factor is that toxic agrochemicals are used in the aerial spraying of sugarcane and other crops in the nearby plantations, and also fall on the indigenous villages, affecting
people's health.
CIMI says that the indigenous communities in Mato Grosso do Sul are claiming 112 areas of their ancestral territories for themselves. Most of these claims are tied up in red tape.
Lopes' explanation for the suicides among indigenous people, which he links to the lack of land and opportunities to make a living, has an extra twist: family disintegration and alcoholism.
"The young people tell me that they would rather die than have nothing to eat or live on, so to support their families, they go off to work at the sugar mills and plantations. But the women
are left alone with their children, and they often pal up with another man who can support them and feed their children. Then when the husband returns, he finds his wife with someone else. That
contributes to the violence," he said.
These are outcomes of a "modern" society, which the indigenous leader contrasted with "traditional indigenous marriage," as he also contrasted the new patterns of food supply.
In the old days, the "fruits of the forest" and "honey from wild bees" provided enough food, but now they no longer exist as a food source, Lopes said.
Instead, there are the "supermarkets in the big cities, but we cannot afford to buy food there. But how we would like to eat those things!" said the indigenous leader, in whose view this
contradiction of consumerism is even worse for an indigenous teenager who has no idea how he is going to survive in the future.
He ruled out an ancestral cultural motive for committing suicide, like the one prompting suicide among elderly people in other indigenous cultures.
"I asked the 'gran pajé' (elderly wise man) if there had been suicides and hangings in the past. He said, No, in the old days everyone lived in freedom as they pleased, and not in a pigsty as we
live now," Lopes said. (END/2009)
Photo: smh.com
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=46756
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